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Waste workers in Least Developed Countries (LDCs) belong to low-income groups and often lack access to basic facilities. They have low social recognition, face humiliation, and lack access to the decision-making process. The income of waste workers depends on the quality and quantity of recyclables collected. Although income is one aspect of judging financial capital, it does not capture the overall sustainable livelihoods scenario of waste workers. The studies conducted among waste workers have mainly focused on the informal sector, highlighting income as a key indicator of livelihoods, and do not cover all aspects of the sustainable livelihood framework.
This research examines the livelihood status of waste workers in Kathmandu Metropolitan City (KMC), the issues associated with this economic activity, and suggests solutions to make their livelihoods more sustainable. The study was conducted among 200 waste workers in KMC. A snowball sampling was used to sample 100 Formal Waste Workers (FWWs) and 100 Informal Waste Workers (IWWs). The information was also gathered from the KMC office, the Solid Waste Management Association of Nepal (SWMAN), waste management companies in the wards, scrap centres, and experts in Solid Waste Management (SWM).
FWWs received the fixed monthly salaries but often supplemented their income by selling recyclables collected during work. In contrast, the IWWs faced significant income volatility, fluctuating earnings based on recyclable availability and market demand. There were unstable incomes, particularly for IWBs, landfill workers, and ragpickers. While some workers expressed satisfaction with their earnings, citing stability and supplemental income, many shared that they have struggled with rising living costs and increased competition in the waste buy and sell. IWWs, particularly IWBs and scrap dealers, shared strategies such as bulk purchasing, storing items during price dips, and reselling refurbished goods to maximise profits. The common workplace challenges include unsanitary environments, lack of communication, wage disparities, and insufficient facilities. The waste workers in KMC faced health issues including headaches and back pain, worsened by the lack of medical benefits and accessibility.
The primary reason for entering the SWM was referrals from family members or relatives. Economic factors, such as "better income than other available work" and "no investment requirements," were key motivators for their engagement in the SWM sector. This SWM sector also attracts migrant workers from India, who are drawn by higher earnings and proximity to their home regions. However, these migrants often face additional vulnerabilities, including gambling addictions that erode their profits. Caste and social discrimination have created significant barriers, with mostly workers reporting discrimination based on their language, clothes, colour of skin, nationality, and nature of job. There was a difference in livelihoods capital between male and female workers. Social capital was the lowest for both genders, indicating challenges in social networks. The male workers in KMC showed a higher level of natural and financial capital. The government-employed FWWs had the highest human capital, while private company workers excelled in natural capital. IWWs vary, with landfill workers having the best natural capital and rag pickers facing significant social capital deficits.
Institutional arrangements for SWM and worker safety in Nepal involve several key government bodies. Although a comprehensive regulatory framework for SWM exists, challenges have been observed in its implementation and enforcement. Enforcing anti-discrimination policies also helps to ensure fair treatment and equal opportunities for all waste workers. Additionally, improving working conditions through regular health inspections, providing decent workplaces, and supporting workers with job security and improved working conditions are essential. KMC should establish a proper monitoring system to oversee waste management activities carried out by private companies, ensuring fair wages, health and safety standards, and the protection of the rights of waste workers. There is also a need for a dedicated SWM entity within KMC to enhance coordination with other service providers, enabling efficient data collection and ongoing monitoring to support the livelihoods of waste workers.
Traditional livelihood frameworks do not advocate political exclusion or the emotional aspects of livelihood uncertainty. Both aspects are required in urban informal sectors. The new proposed Integrated Livelihoods Resilience Framework (ILRF) addresses this by integrating Political Capital, which includes access to policy discourse, advocacy, representation, and Psychological Capital, including dignity, resilience, and self-worth.
